Out with the \u201cOld Keir\u201d \u2013 the non-ideological technocratic neo-statism<\/a> combined with a rather wooden and hesitant political style \u2013 and in with the new \u2013 far more relaxed, engaging and, quite simply, more human. <\/p>\n There was a subtlety about his speech that suggested a man who is fully aware of the challenges (and challengers) that lie ahead. <\/p>\n It appears he has at last decided to jettison the \u201cMing vase strategy\u201d<\/a> of leading through extreme caution that carried him into power. This, arguably, should have been done away with long ago. <\/p>\n It delivered what can only be seen as a very shallow landslide<\/a> (a high number of seats despite a low vote share), based more on frustration and anger towards the previous government that on public commitment and belief in a fresh new political project. The threadbare nature of Starmerism quickly became apparent. Policies were launched without any clear unifying thread and quickly became what critics called \u201cthe politics of nothing\u201d<\/a>: plenty of activity, but no discernible action.<\/p>\n This was a particular problem on the doorstep, where the prime minister\u2019s inability to project conviction in public<\/a> left voters unsure where the government was going or why. Added to this were Starmer\u2019s repeated assertions that he was \u201ca toolmaker\u2019s son\u201d<\/a>, which too often smacked of faux authenticy.<\/p>\n \u201cNew Keir\u201d was suddenly more emotional and relatable, repeatedly emphasising<\/a> his role as a parent: \u201cAll I have ever wanted for my own children, hand on heart, is for them to be happy and for them to be safe. And I think that\u2019s what any parent wants.\u201d<\/p>\n The surprise on his face was palpable when the end of his speech was met with whoops and cheers of joy from the audience. For a moment, it really did look like he was going to turn around to see if the source of joy was behind him (has Harry Styles walked in?), before the realisation dawned that he had, at last, connected with a substantial chunk of the British public.<\/p>\n Despite the attempted rebrand, the prime minister quickly sought to deflate public expectations. This was going to be \u201chard to legislate for, hard to regulate, hard to enforce\u201d. This is why the government had been having lots of \u201cconversations\u201d, had done lots of \u201clistening\u201d and definitely believed in \u201cpartnerships\u201d. <\/p>\n At times it appeared like the old, careful Keir was struggling to get out of this new \u2013 and dare I say, Burnham-esque \u2013 imposture.<\/p>\n Burnham-esque? So soon? Yes, both presentationally and politically. <\/p>\n In a Facebook video to tout the announcement, the prime minister appears almost more Burnham-esque than Burnham. Shorn of suit and tie, in casual clothes and with a hint of a tan, Starmer speaks to the camera as if he\u2019s just checking in on his way to a northern soul disco night<\/a>. <\/p>\n \n \u201cNew Keir\u201d might be cooler than \u201cOld Keir\u201d, but this is not the only shift.<\/p>\n There\u2019s also a clear attempt to move the debate away from specific policy questions and challenges and towards Burnham\u2019s focus on more fundamental questions<\/a> about how we \u201cdo\u201d politics in the UK. For \u201cNew Keir\u201d, banning social media for children was not an isolated decision but an element of the wider \u201cbuilding blocks of a different Britain altogether\u201d<\/a>.<\/p>\nWhat to make of \u2018New Keir\u2019<\/h2>\n
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