In the wake of revelations about Hampshire police\u2019s handling<\/a> of the knife attack<\/a>, media attention focused on violent protests<\/a> near the site of the killing.<\/p>\n But arguably more important is the suggestion by Reform UK leader Nigel Farage, before the unrest began, that people respond with \u201cpure cold rage\u201d<\/a>. His comments came after Vickrum Digwa, a Sikh, was jailed for life<\/a> for the fatal stabbing in Southampton. <\/p>\n In heated exchanges in the Commons on June 3, Farage\u2019s comments were widely condemned<\/a>. But besides being exactly what Henry Nowak\u2019s family wanted to avoid, it was also an example of the well-worn right-wing strategy of depicting its politics as \u201ccommon sense\u201d. <\/p>\n In his initial statement, Farage had clearly and calmly presented arguments around two-tier justice, anti-white racism, mass immigration and diversity initiatives as facts that are taken for granted and shared by all rational human beings.<\/p>\n Yet, common sense can take different forms. Political historian Sophia Rosenfeld<\/a> has argued that without some form of common sense (shared norms, values and judgments<\/a>), political life could devolve into a contest of pure strength. In other words, for a democracy to function, it requires a \u201cshared realm\u201d or a basic agreement on facts and rules. <\/p>\n Over recent decades, however, there has been an increase in far-right and populist politicians claiming to be torchbearers for common sense<\/a>. In many cases, this can be perceived as an attempt to solidify reactionary narratives around race, gender and culture as rational and incontrovertible \u201cfact\u201d<\/a> .<\/p>\n A key problem for the Labour government now is how to respond to attempts to hijack the idea of common sense.<\/p>\n Until now, Labour has followed other mainstream actors, including the Conservatives<\/a>, in trying to outflank the far right<\/a> on its own turf. But this appeal to voters on the right often comes at the expense of its own membership base<\/a>.<\/p>\n At times, the government appears to have shared far-right language when using \u201ccommon sense\u201d as a way of framing its politics. Prime Minister Keir Starmer echoed Reform\u2019s demands to bring in stricter tests and higher standards of English for settlement in the UK, as part of a \u201ccommon sense\u201d policy<\/a>. Centring language skills as a core element of citizenship was once strongly connected with anti-migrant politics<\/a>. <\/p>\n Meanwhile, in terms of immigration, Labour has pledged to<\/a> \u201crestore common sense to our borders\u201d. This dovetails with Farage\u2019s claim that a responsible government has a duty to protect its borders \u201cas basic common sense\u201d<\/a>. <\/p>\n On top of this, Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood\u2019s recent response to people protesting at immigration reforms as \u201cwhite liberals\u201d<\/a>, telling them to \u201cfuck right off\u201d, might look to some like a page from the far-right playbook. It came months after a warning from Starmer (which he later rowed back on) that the UK risked becoming an \u201cisland of strangers\u201d<\/a>.<\/p>\n In general, the government\u2019s response to Nowak\u2019s murder has been measured in comparison to that of Farage. Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch, however, appeared to follow Reform\u2019s demand that the killing be treated the same as George Floyd\u2019s murder<\/a> in the US.<\/p>\nWhere this leaves Labour<\/h2>\n
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