Politically this fatigue is felt at this stage more among parties on the far right and far left, such as the Alternative f\u00fcr Deutschland in Germany and Podemos in Spain. But it\u2019s a sentiment shared by many ordinary people across the dial, who see the conflict as something imposed on them by political elites that is costing them money.<\/p>\n
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\n While not as devastating as missiles, the massive swarms of drones Ukraine is now launching against targets deep inside Russia \u2013 more than 800 last weekend into the Moscow region according to some reports \u2013 are clearly rattling Vladimir Putin. The Kremlin issued a warning to the UK after British-made drones were used in recent attacks that \u201cthe deeper its involvement in the conflict\u2026 the higher the price it will pay\u201d.<\/p>\n The UK and some of Ukraine\u2019s other European allies are boosting their partnership with Ukraine in the production and deployment of drones. As Arun Dawson of the department of war studies at King\u2019s College London observes, there are obvious pluses for both sides<\/a> of this partnership. Ukraine clearly benefits from a surge of drone production while the UK and other countries in similar partnerships with Kyiv see their technology tested in real battlefield conditions against a capable enemy. <\/p>\n Given that Britain sees drones as a big part of its defence plans, that alone is a big deal, Dawson concludes.<\/p>\n \n As the military use of drones increases, so does the development of counter measures to defend against them \u2013 on the battlefield and beyond. Anna Jackman of the University of Reading researches the impact of drones and walks us through the various counter-drone systems<\/a>.<\/p>\n \n Elections are not normally something that would usually cause Vladimir Putin any loss of sleep. But next month\u2019s elections to the State Duma, Russia\u2019s national parliament, will be the first since Putin launched his invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. So he\u2019ll want to present a smooth campaign and an overwhelming victory for his United Russia party as proof that the war is going well. But as we have seen in recent months, it isn\u2019t \u2013 and Putin\u2019s approval ratings and the attitudes of ordinary Russians towards the war are becoming increasingly negative as well.<\/p>\n Jenny Mathers of Aberystwyth University believes that United Russia, which has 70% of seats in the Duma, has little to fear in next month\u2019s poll. So the decision to ban Russia\u2019s one proper opposition party, Yabloko, from running candidates is curious. As is Putin\u2019s pre-election \u201clistening\u201d tour, which has taken the notoriously travel-averse Russian president to a range of cities where suddenly petrol seems to be in plentiful supply and at reduced prices. <\/p>\n Perhaps, Mathers concludes<\/a>, \u201cPutin and his allies are not nearly as confident in their ability to maintain their grip on power as they would like the rest of the world to think\u201d.<\/p>\n \n No doubt Putin is buoyed by the thought of the 50,000 fresh North Korean troops that Kim Jong-un is sending to join his troops on the frontlines. But, as you\u2019d imagine, they are not so keen on the idea in Seoul. South Korea is still officially at war with the north, and the prospect of thousands of North Korean soldiers gaining combat experience in modern conditions is not a happy one.<\/p>\n South Korea is a key ally of the US in East Asia \u2013 and the two countries are engaged in their annual Ulchi Freedom Shield exercises, which Seoul considers a vital element in its defensive preparations. So America\u2019s decision to cut the exercises short (they end on August 21, six days earlier than scheduled) while Donald Trump pursues a fourth summit with Kim, is a major concern. <\/p>\n Virginie Grzelczyk of Aston University warns that Seoul must recalibrate its defence plans<\/a> in a world where North Korea is a more formidable adversary and it can\u2019t necessarily depend on the US to guarantee its security.<\/p>\n \n Yet another peace plan for Gaza appears to have unravelled in recent weeks. But even as the US president\u2019s Board of Peace published the 15-point \u201croadmap\u201d, it was clear that it was always likely to fail. In the event, despite an assurance from Hamas that it would disarm if Israel withdrew its troops, it appears to have foundered after Israel said it would not withdraw its troops until Hamas had disarmed. <\/p>\n As analysts say, it was always going to be a matter of \u201csequencing\u201d: who would make the first leap of faith, where trust is non-existent.<\/p>\n Adam Farquhar is part of a team at the University of Edinburgh that analyses peace agreements and he points to a fatal flaw that the deals to end the conflict in Gaza have all lacked: a clear mechanism for who ensures compliance<\/a>.<\/p>\n
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\n European \u2018war fatigue\u2019 may be growing \u2013 but Ukraine\u2019s recent momentum could buy time<\/a>
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\n UK-Ukraine drone partnership risks Putin\u2019s wrath but will boost long-term security<\/a>
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\n How drones are taken down \u2013 from nets and metal cages to jammers<\/a>
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\nPutin has problems of his own<\/h2>\n
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\n Banning the opposition, going on a listening tour: Putin\u2019s worried about the coming election<\/a>
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\nHarsh new reality for South Korea<\/h2>\n
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\n North Korea grows stronger as South Korea reckons with fading US support<\/a>
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\nWhy Gaza peace deals fail<\/h2>\n
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